As national concern grows about the Department of Homeland Security’s aggressive immigration crackdowns, including operations that led to two Minneapolis citizens being killed by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents this month, a Facing South/Institute for Southern Studies analysis finds that Georgia-based companies have received contracts worth up to $10 billion to support DHS immigration enforcement.
As previously reported in Facing South, DHS spending for immigration enforcement has ballooned over the last year, part of the Trump’s administration’s quest to deport 1 million immigrants annually.
The influx of money to ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which are overseen by DHS, has created a booming market for contractors tasked with helping the agencies carry out immigration operations, providing weapons, facilities, training, technology, and other support.
In the wake of major immigration raids in Louisiana and North Carolina in late 2025, Facing South and the Institute found that companies based in those states had received Border Patrol and ICE contracts valued up to $341 million for the 2025-2026 fiscal years.
While Georgia hasn’t been the target of such high-profile raids, the state is much more economically tied to Border Patrol and ICE's controversial activities. Facing South/Institute for Southern Studies analysis of federal spending data finds that for the 2025-2026 fiscal years, 58 Georgia-based companies have received Border Patrol and ICE contracts valued up to $10.3 billion.
Three Georgia-based companies have received contracts worth $1 billion or more. The largest is Commdex, a communications and information technology company based in Smyrna, G.A. Commdex has five 2025-2026 contracts valued up to $6 billion to provide land mobile towers, antenna and cellular maintenance, and “tactical communications equipment” for Border Patrol.
Jackson Healthcare Government Services of Alpharetta, G.A., has received a $2.6 billion contract to provide “medical staffing services” at various ICE detention facilities over a five-year period from 2023 to 2028.
Lockheed Martin, the well-known aerospace and military contractor headquartered in Maryland but with major operations in Marietta, G.A., has received three Border Patrol contracts valued at more than $1 billion for maintenance and support of their P-3 surveillance airplanes.
You can view a complete list of CBP and ICE contracts for fiscal years 2025-2026 to companies headquartered in Georgia in the spreadsheet below (use scroll bars at top and bottom to see additional information).
Commdex, Jackson Healthcare Government Services, and Lockheed Martin together account for 93% of the immigration enforcement contracts flowing to Georgia-based companies reported in fiscal years 2025-2026. However, there are several other notable contractors who have benefited from ICE and Border Patrol's contracting largesse:
Atlanta-based Caduceus Healthcare has four contracts valued up to $161.6 million to provide “site coordination, emergency detention, and related services” for ICE and Border Patrol detention centers.
Pegasus Support Centers in Woodstock, G.A., has 10 Border Patrol and ICE contracts worth up to $102.5 million for building maintenance and support.
ATT Mobility LLC in Atlanta, also known as AT&T, secured 48 Border Patrol and ICE contracts valued at more than $80 million. The cell phone and data company has been singled out being one of DHS's leading immigration enforcement contractors, leading to calls for a national boycott.
Alpharetta-based LexisNexis Risk Solutions, a division of the sprawling RELX Group data company, stands to bring in more than $22 million for a Law Enforcement Investigative Database Subscription for ICE.
Famed gunmaker Glock of Smyrna, G.A. has received 12 Border Patrol and ICE contracts valued up to $8.7 million for hand guns, repair parts, and accessories.
Writing in The Nation earlier this month, Eric Blanc, Wes McEnany, and Claire Sandberg argue that targeting companies that facilitate Border Patrol and ICE's operations can be a winning strategy to force change policy. There's already been some successes: In early January, for example, Avelo Airlines pledged to stop carrying out deportation flights for ICE.
"Breaking companies from ICE is a winnable struggle that can put serious pressure on the administration by raising the political cost of mass deportations and damaging ICE’s ability to function," they conclude. "No administration can survive long without the consent of corporate America."
Want to stop ICE? Go after its corporate collaborators
Founded by abolitionists in 1865, The Nation has chronicled the breadth and depth of political and cultural life, serving as a critical, independent, and progressive voice.
Demonstrators in Minneapolis dressed as handmaidens from "The Handmaid's Tale" bang pots outside the Canopy by Hilton hotel. (Tyrone Siu/Reuters)
Renee Nicole Good’s murder by an ICE agent in Minneapolis has left millions of Americans wondering how we can stop ICE from terrorizing our communities any further. There are many well-known ICE-fighting tactics that we can and should use, like protests, know-your-rights trainings, and neighborhood watches. But two recent victories show a promising, relatively underutilized path forward—one that deserves to be pursued further: We can target businesses that work with ICE.
ICE relies heavily on the private sector to help carry out its Gestapo-like crusade against immigrants and their allies. Without the logistical, financial, and political support of business, its capacity to terrorize our communities would crumble.
Over the past week, activists around the country successfully pushed Avelo Airlines to stop running deportation charter flights, and workers in Minneapolis pushed a local Hilton affiliate to stop renting rooms to ICE agents. But these wins are just a fraction of what could be achieved if the millions of people who are outraged by ICE’s thuggery organize to pressure all companies to stop working with ICE.
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Anti-authoritarian scholars and organizers stress that the most important thing for pro-democracy movements to do is to peel away a regime’s “pillars of support.” Even the most despotic of regimes can’t rule without the backing or consent of powerful external institutions. Businesses are society’s most important non-state institutions, and most of the biggest ones in America are collaborating with Trump, making themselves a very steady pillar of support for his rule.
These mega-corporations have immense financial and political power. It may seem like there’s nothing to be done to bring them to heel. But the successes with Avelo Airlines and the Minneapolis Hilton—as well as earlier pressure campaigns like the #Tesla Takedown, the fight to force Disney to rehire Jimmy Kimmel, and the boycott of Target over its Trump-friendly anti-DEI moves—show the immense leverage that consumers and workers have when provided an opportunity. We are not powerless, and there are concrete actions anyone can take to start eroding Trump’s support from big business.
Consumer pressure campaigns can start with petition gathering and social media callouts, then escalate to coordinated one-day boycotts. Workers have even more leverage: Employees can circulate internal petitions calling on their CEOs to cut ties with ICE and organize collective actions like sick-outs.
Tactics can include rallies in front of targeted stores, leafleting customers about a company’s ICE contracts or collaboration, and nonviolent civil disobedience that makes clear that business as usual won’t stand. Other creative ideas include setting up anonymous tip lines for employees to whistleblow on non-public ICE collaborations, pressuring job sites like Monster.com and Indeed to stop featuring ICE job listings, asking local small businesses to post “Immigrants Welcome Here” placards, and writing online reviews calling out companies’ collaboration with ICE.
The key is providing people with concrete, outward-facing activities they can take right now, while building an escalating national campaign that can culminate in larger coordinated days of nonviolent disruption—for example, on May 1, 2026.
National online mass calls and trainings can give large numbers of people the tools they need to get started. National unions, immigrant rights groups, and organizations like Indivisible and the Democratic Socialists of America can leverage their volunteer activists and resources to help launch and support the campaign. And high-profile politicians like Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Chris Murphy, and Zohran Mamdani can use their platforms to build momentum around this urgent fight.
The most strategic corporate targets fall into three categories: low-lift national targets, high-lift national targets, and local targets.
Low-lift national targets are mostly public-facing companies with relatively small ICE contracts that are set to expire soon, making them particularly vulnerable to consumer and employee pressure. Campaigns against companies like these can play a crucial role in generating further momentum against ICE, Trump, and their worst corporate collaborators.
Here are some examples:
High-lift national targets have deeper relationships with ICE, and will be harder to pressure. But two in particular need to be tackled.
It will take longer to force these behemoths—the two worst corporate collaborators with ICE—to cut their ties, but it’s essential to publicize their centrality to Trump’s deportation machine.
Local targets can be found in communities across the country, where hundreds of smaller business have ICE contracts. Local activists can research and target these businesses—from contractors providing services to ICE offices to suppliers selling equipment—creating distributed pressure campaigns in every region where ICE operates. Hotels that rent rooms to ICE agents are particularly vulnerable targets, as the Minneapolis example demonstrated, and hospitality unions can play a key role in these campaigns.
Breaking companies from ICE is a winnable struggle that can put serious pressure on the administration by raising the political cost of mass deportations and damaging ICE’s ability to function. No administration can survive long without the consent of corporate America.
Want to stop ICE? Go after its corporate collaborators
Founded by abolitionists in 1865, The Nation has chronicled the breadth and depth of political and cultural life, serving as a critical, independent, and progressive voice.
Demonstrators in Minneapolis dressed as handmaidens from "The Handmaid's Tale" bang pots outside the Canopy by Hilton hotel. (Tyrone Siu/Reuters)
Renee Nicole Good’s murder by an ICE agent in Minneapolis has left millions of Americans wondering how we can stop ICE from terrorizing our communities any further. There are many well-known ICE-fighting tactics that we can and should use, like protests, know-your-rights trainings, and neighborhood watches. But two recent victories show a promising, relatively underutilized path forward—one that deserves to be pursued further: We can target businesses that work with ICE.
ICE relies heavily on the private sector to help carry out its Gestapo-like crusade against immigrants and their allies. Without the logistical, financial, and political support of business, its capacity to terrorize our communities would crumble.
Over the past week, activists around the country successfully pushed Avelo Airlines to stop running deportation charter flights, and workers in Minneapolis pushed a local Hilton affiliate to stop renting rooms to ICE agents. But these wins are just a fraction of what could be achieved if the millions of people who are outraged by ICE’s thuggery organize to pressure all companies to stop working with ICE.
Stay informed with The Nation.
Since 1865, The Nation has covered democracy with conviction. Sign up for reporting you won’t find elsewhere.
Anti-authoritarian scholars and organizers stress that the most important thing for pro-democracy movements to do is to peel away a regime’s “pillars of support.” Even the most despotic of regimes can’t rule without the backing or consent of powerful external institutions. Businesses are society’s most important non-state institutions, and most of the biggest ones in America are collaborating with Trump, making themselves a very steady pillar of support for his rule.
These mega-corporations have immense financial and political power. It may seem like there’s nothing to be done to bring them to heel. But the successes with Avelo Airlines and the Minneapolis Hilton—as well as earlier pressure campaigns like the #Tesla Takedown, the fight to force Disney to rehire Jimmy Kimmel, and the boycott of Target over its Trump-friendly anti-DEI moves—show the immense leverage that consumers and workers have when provided an opportunity. We are not powerless, and there are concrete actions anyone can take to start eroding Trump’s support from big business.
Consumer pressure campaigns can start with petition gathering and social media callouts, then escalate to coordinated one-day boycotts. Workers have even more leverage: Employees can circulate internal petitions calling on their CEOs to cut ties with ICE and organize collective actions like sick-outs.
Tactics can include rallies in front of targeted stores, leafleting customers about a company’s ICE contracts or collaboration, and nonviolent civil disobedience that makes clear that business as usual won’t stand. Other creative ideas include setting up anonymous tip lines for employees to whistleblow on non-public ICE collaborations, pressuring job sites like Monster.com and Indeed to stop featuring ICE job listings, asking local small businesses to post “Immigrants Welcome Here” placards, and writing online reviews calling out companies’ collaboration with ICE.
The key is providing people with concrete, outward-facing activities they can take right now, while building an escalating national campaign that can culminate in larger coordinated days of nonviolent disruption—for example, on May 1, 2026.
National online mass calls and trainings can give large numbers of people the tools they need to get started. National unions, immigrant rights groups, and organizations like Indivisible and the Democratic Socialists of America can leverage their volunteer activists and resources to help launch and support the campaign. And high-profile politicians like Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Chris Murphy, and Zohran Mamdani can use their platforms to build momentum around this urgent fight.
The most strategic corporate targets fall into three categories: low-lift national targets, high-lift national targets, and local targets.
Low-lift national targets are mostly public-facing companies with relatively small ICE contracts that are set to expire soon, making them particularly vulnerable to consumer and employee pressure. Campaigns against companies like these can play a crucial role in generating further momentum against ICE, Trump, and their worst corporate collaborators.
Here are some examples:
High-lift national targets have deeper relationships with ICE, and will be harder to pressure. But two in particular need to be tackled.
It will take longer to force these behemoths—the two worst corporate collaborators with ICE—to cut their ties, but it’s essential to publicize their centrality to Trump’s deportation machine.
Local targets can be found in communities across the country, where hundreds of smaller business have ICE contracts. Local activists can research and target these businesses—from contractors providing services to ICE offices to suppliers selling equipment—creating distributed pressure campaigns in every region where ICE operates. Hotels that rent rooms to ICE agents are particularly vulnerable targets, as the Minneapolis example demonstrated, and hospitality unions can play a key role in these campaigns.
Breaking companies from ICE is a winnable struggle that can put serious pressure on the administration by raising the political cost of mass deportations and damaging ICE’s ability to function. No administration can survive long without the consent of corporate America
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